Belgrade, 1 April 2014 - 'Soft Censorship: Strangling Serbia's Media' is the title of the research published by the World Association of Newspapers and News Publishers (WAN-IFRA) and the Balkan Investigative Reporting Network (BIRN), in cooperation with the Center for International Media Assistance - CIMA.

The report describes the mechanisms of a growing "soft censorship" that denies Serbia's citizens their right to a free and independent media and offers recommendations that can

help dismantle these insidious practices.

Key conclusions of the research are the following:

• It is estimated that the state participates with 23% to 40% in the actual value of the total advertising market.

• Direct subventions which the state gives to the media in its ownership seriously undermine free competition in the market.

• State advertising is arbitrary and non-transparent, and it is easily turned into a mechanism of political pressure on the media.

• State aid to the media should turn towards project financing, especially co-financing of news content.

• Amendments to the law on advertising should include fines for state bodies and officials who violate the ban on using public funds for the promotion of individual or special political interests.

The main researcher on the project is Jovanka Matić, PhD. The project is supported by Open Society Foundations.

Source: South East European Media Observatory 

http://mediaobservatory.net/

He pointed to the fact that Vucic, both in analysed print media and on television, has 95 percent support in the articles and broadcasts, whether it is he who speaks or is praised by others. This is not good, stressed Gavrilovic, because the public has to view critically and analytically individuals and bodies fighting corruption as it will thus contribute more to the fight.

As he pointed out, analysis of media reports showed that they are "satellite of the authorities" in the fight against corruption, "and when you are a satellite of the authorities, you not a protagonist but a subject of reporting."

Gavrilovic said it was also bad that the media accepted the thesis that over 24 cases of disputed privatization are over, although the issue is questionable because nowhere in these cases are there responsible representatives of the state. He gave the example of the privatization of C-Market, Veterinary Institute Zemun and the export of "repackaged" sugar to the European Union, where none of the media wondered who among the state officials is responsible for the frauds.

BIRODI Monitoring of media coverage on the fight against corruption showed that in November and December the number of "unnamed sources" was reduced, and so was the number of cases of the violation of the presumption of innocence, which is positive .

Dailies Kurir and Informer featured the largest number of sensational items, as well as TV Pink. The fewest sensational items were featured in daily Politika and on Radio television of Serbia.

Gavrilovic also said that TV B92 is one of the few media where the Serbian Progressive Party is dominantly represented as a positive actor in the fight against corruption.

Bureau for Social Research (Biro za društvena istraživanja - BIRODI) in partnership with the Slovak organization MEMO 98 presented on 31 January 2014 the research findings on media coverage of corruption and the fight against corruption covering the period November - December 2013.

The main findings are as follows :

- The last round of monitoring confirms the observed trend that the media in general are not proactive and do not see their own interest in the disclosure of corruption cases and the fight against corruption - instead, in certain cases, these are used as a tool in the hands of certain political or economic interests.

- The result of the above said is a lack of comprehensive analysis that would provide a clearer insight into the current state when it comes to corruption and ways to prevent it.

- Part of the media selectively chooses the corruption cases they will report on. The media serve either as means of promoting the government's fight against corruption or to promote the ruling party as a fighter against corruption.

- Media do not use reports of anti-corruption bodies and their databases as a source for their articles and other coverage. Also, the media do not promote successful practices of civil society or individuals in the fight against corruption...

Full report Corruption and Anticorruption (pdf) November - December 2013 can be downloaded from the Medija centar Belgrade website. 

Belgrade (IREX) - Serbian citizens endured another politically turbulent and economically strained year in 2011, despite several positive developments. For example, in March, the Serbian government reconstructed itself, trimming the number of ministries. In May, Hague fugitive Ratko Mladić, the ex-Bosnian Serb commander, was arrested after 16 years of hiding-which made international headlines. Two months later, officials arrested Goran Hadžić, the last Hague fugitive from Serbia; he had spent seven years on the run. In other welcome developments, a professional army replaced the 170-year-old tradition of obligatory army service, and the government passed a new law on restitution that was 11 years in the making.

This progress aside, long-simmering unease over the status of Kosovo escalated, with barricades and clashes rising between Serbs living in North Kosovo and international forces in Kosovo. During the year, Serbs and Kosovo Albanians held eight rounds of talks addressing freedom of movement, parish registers, and other technical problems. The government's refusal to approve a pride parade in September set off more political

turbulence, with some interpreting the refusal as government capitulation to the threats of extremists. These events culminated in European Union (EU) leaders denying Serbia candidate status until it normalizes relations with Kosovo.

As in previous years, excessive budget spending and the stagnation of economic development proved to be Serbia's main economic problems in 2011. Serbia reached an arrangement with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to increase the budget deficit from 4.1 to 4.5 percent of GDP. But the low growth rates produced lower tax collection, leaving the budget on shaky ground for eight years running. The year ended with IMF's decision to postpone implementing the arrangement, from December 2011 to January 2012. Unemployment exacerbated Serbia's deepening debt.

The continuing economic woes seemingly reinforced the government's will to maintain its traditional control over the media, leaving outlets in Serbia very vulnerable to pressures by the state and political and business interest groups. Legislatively, talks for a new media strategy stopped short, while the National Assembly of Serbia passed several regulations that contradict laws supporting media freedoms. The media also saw little progress technologically, and its economy deteriorated further during the year. Pressures, threats, and attacks on journalists and outlets remain common. The court system's treatment of media and journalists continues to be ambiguous, and no murders of journalists were solved this year.

Taking into account all of these issues, the 2012 MSI participants assessed the media situation in the country rather pessimistically: 1.90 compared to last year's 2.06. Scores showed moderate declines in two of the five objectives: Objective 3 dipped most dramatically-more than a third of a point, from 2.27 to 1.93-while Objective 5 decreased by about a quarter point.

Read more...

NEW YORK, February 4, 2008 - Conflicts in Iraq and Somalia made 2007 the deadliest year for the press in more than a decade, while more and more journalists are being jailed on vague "antistate" charges, many of them by the Chinese and Cuban governments, according to the new edition of the Committee to Protect Journalists' annual report Attacks on the Press.

Trends detailed in the 2007 report include China's onerous restrictions on the media in the run-up to the 2008 Summer Olympic Games, the erosion of press freedom in many of Africa's new democracies, the criminalization of journalism in Russia and Central Asia, the loss of U.S. influence on Latin American press issues, and Arab governments' subtle use of legal pressure to silence dissent.

Reported and written by the staff of the Committee to Protect Journalists, Attacks on the Press in 2007 also details the devastating toll of violence in Iraq, where for the second consecutive year, 32 journalists were killed in the line of duty. Iraq was the deadliest country in the world for the press for the fifth straight year.

Highlighting the global reach of CPJ's work defending press freedom, Attacks on the Press is being released internationally at events in Berlin, Cairo, Hong Kong, London, and New York.

CPJ's annual survey documents hundreds of cases of media repression in dozens of countries, including murders, assaults, imprisonments, censorship, and legal harassment.

A preface by CPJ board member and CNN Chief International Correspondent Christiane Amanpour spotlights the fight against impunity in journalist murders. "Impunity is the single biggest threat facing journalists today.

Murder, after all, is the ultimate form of censorship," writes Amanpour.

Attacks on the Press features in-depth regional reporting and analysis of press freedom conditions.

Some of the book's findings:

- Journalists were killed in usually high numbers in 2007, with 65 killed in direct connection to their work - up from 56 a year earlier. CPJ is investigating another 23 deaths to determine whether they were work-related. CPJ has recorded only one other year with a higher death toll: 1994, when 66 journalists were killed, many in conflicts in Algeria, Bosnia and Rwanda.

- In Russia, President Vladimir Putin's government has created a national security state where reporting the news can be defined as "extremism."

Under sweeping new laws, media criticism of public officials is a criminal offense. The Kremlin's tactic of rewriting the law to criminalize journalism has been exported to countries such as Uzbekistan and Tajikistan.

- Despite China's promises to improve press freedom conditions before the 2008 Olympics, it continued to be the world's leading jailer of journalists with 29 journalists and writers behind bars. China has held the dishonor for nine straight years. Reflecting a wider decade-long trend, Internet journalists make up an increasing portion of jailed journalists. In China,18 of the 29 journalists jailed worked online.

- In Venezuela, President Hugo Chávez Frías' government forced a critical television station off the air in May when it did not renew its broadcast concession. Venezuelan authorities said they were acting within the law, but a CPJ investigation found that the process was arbitrary and politically motivated.

- In parts of Africa, democracy was supposed to have taken root after years of strife, but conditions for journalists have gotten worse in several nations. While accepting praise from Western donors, repressive leaders in Ethiopia, the Gambia, and the Democratic Republic of Congo have cracked down on critical media, shuttering newspapers and putting journalists in jail.

- About 17 percent of journalists jailed in 2007 were held without any charge. CPJ found 127 journalists behind bars on December 1, seven less than the 2006 tally of 134. About 57 percent of those jailed were held under antistate allegations such as subversion, divulging state secrets, and acting against national interests.

- In the Middle East, a number of Arab governments publicly make commitments to democratic reform while applying pressure through legal strategies that control the press. "Manipulating the media, they have found, is more politically palatable to the international community than outright domination," writes CPJ Senior Program Coordinator Joel Campagna.

- Attacks on the Press also details progress for journalists in 2007. In the Philippines, long one of the deadliest countries for the media, CPJ did not document any work-related journalist deaths in 2007. In Ethiopia, where CPJ reported and advocated extensively, 15 journalists arrested in a 2005 government crackdown were acquitted or pardoned of antistate charges in 2007. In Russia, for the first time since Vladimir Putin took office in 2000, there was a conviction in a journalist murder; five men were found guilty of the 2003 murder of Novaya Gazeta reporter Igor Dommnikov.

Featuring an introduction by CPJ Executive Director Joel Simon, Attacks on the Press is the authoritative source of information on international press conditions. In his preface, Simon addresses two perilous landscapes facing journalists: too much government in repressive nations such as Russia, and too little government in lawless places such as Iraq, Somalia, and the tribal areas of Pakistan.

Attacks on the Press is available through the Brookings Institution Press ( http://www.brookings.edu/press.aspx ) and online at CPJ's Web site, http://www.cpj.org

CPJ is a New York-based, independent, nonprofit organization that works to safeguard press freedom worldwide. For more information, visit http://www.cpj.org

For further information, contact Abi Wright, tel: +1 212 465 1004 x105, e-mail: awright@cpj.org; or CPJ, 330 Seventh Ave., New York, NY 10001, U.S.A., tel: +1 212 465 1004, fax: +1 212 465 9568, e-mail: media@cpj.org, Internet: http://www.cpj.org/

The information contained in this press release is the sole responsibility of CPJ. In citing this material for broadcast or publication, please credit CPJ.

The Center for International Media Assistance (CIMA) at the National Endowment for Democracy has published two new reports authored by International Development Consultant Peter Graves on topics related to the field of media assistance:

·         U.S. Public and Private Funding of Independent Media Development Abroad, authored by Graves and edited by Angela Stephens, CIMA senior coordinator, provides a snapshot of U.S. public and private funding of media development assistance across the globe. Drawing upon the results of a 2007 survey designed by Graves and interviews and research, the report estimates that U.S. public and private funding of media development is at least $142 million a year. 

download on the bottom of the page

·         Independent Media’s Vital Role in Development, also written by Graves, examines the cross-sector impact of media on political, social, and economic systems worldwide. The report provides examples of the benefits provided by independent media in a variety of settings. 

download on the bottom of the page

These and other CIMA reports are available on CIMA’s Web site at: http://www.ned.org/cima/reports.html. Also on the site is a comprehensive bibliographic database of resources with information on over 600 reports, articles, books, and manuals related to the media assistance field.

Other CIMA reports include:

·         Media Assistance: Challenges and Opportunities for the Professional Development of Journalists—Working Group Report

·         University Journalism Education: A Global Challenge by Ellen Hume

·         Media Law Assistance: Establishing an Enabling Environment for Free and Independent Media to Flourish—Working Group Report

·         Toward Economic Sustainability of the Media in Developing Countries—Working Group Report

·         The State of Media in Sudan—Special Report

·         Global Investigative Journalism: Strategies for Support by David E. Kaplan

REALIZATION: Strategic Marketing & media research institute

INTRODUCTION

• Survey, the most important results of which are presented in this report is the eight in row, and the biggest so far survey on radio realized by Strategic Marketing /SMMRI/ (the first one was realized in May 1998). The aim of all these survey was to measure the auditorium of the most important radio stations in the country, to measure the auditorium of radio stations – ANEM members, and the rebroadcasters, as well as to ascertain the most important attitudes concerning listening of radio programs and programs in general.
  
• All presented data were obtained on the basis of Diary which was kept by a total of 8272 respondents from the territory of Serbia without Kosovo (population aged between 10 and 70 years). Respondents kept the Diary for 7 days (from 20th to 26th October 2003). Evidence about listening of programs was kept at 15-minute intervals. Besides the Diary the respondents also answered an additional questionnaire with general type questions related to listening of radio program.

Belgrade, December 2003.

THE MOST IMPORTANT SURVEY RESULTS

• Radio stations – ANEM members were listened for 73 minutes a day on the average (one year ago - 72 minutes).
  
• For the first time since the beginning of measurements of radio audience ANEM occupies the first position on the level of the entire country, both from the aspect of total weekly audience, and the share in radio audience. Namely, 1. program of Radio Beograd had a lesser weekly audience than ANEM radio stations by circa 92.000 listeners (according to previous survey the listeners of Beograd 1 exceeded by 145.000 the listeners of ANEM network. Program of state radio was listened to for a shorter period (averagely 63 minutes a day). Besides that, share of ANEM radio stations in total radio audience exceeds the share of the 1. program of Radio Beograd (8,4% against 6,6%). According to previous survey the Share of Beograd 1 was 7,6%, and of ANEM 7,9%.
  
• These data should be added by a fact that total weekly audience of rebroadcasters (radio stations which rebroadcast some ANEM programs) is circa 300.000 listeners, with share of 1,9% in total radio audience.
  
• Observed by the regions, the biggest number of listeners of radio stations – ANEM members live on the territory of Central Serbia - 43,17% of total audience of ANEM, then on the territory of Vojvodina (29,49%) and finally on the territory of Belgrade city (27,34%). 72% of ANEM listeners live in urban settlements, and28% live in other types of settlements (suburban and rural). More than one half of listeners of ANEM radio stations are above 40 years old.
  
• Among radio stations – ANEM members the biggest individual share in ANEM audience is the share of Radio B-92 (43,12%), which is followed by Radio 021 from Novi Sad (together with Multiradio) - 7,3%, Radio Subotica (programs in Hungarian and Serbian combined) - 6,59, Radio Sombor 1 and 2 - 4,24%, Radio Kragujevac 1 and 2 - 3,78, Radio Pirot - 3,62%, Radio Kraljevo 1 and 2 - 3,27%, Radio Užice 2,97%, Radio City from Niš 2,7%, Radio Patak from Valjevo - 2,56%, Radio Cacak 1 and 2 - 2,41%, Radio Petica from Niš - 2,4%, Radio Pancevo 2,12%, etc.
  
• Among radio stations – ANEM members, Radio B-92 had the biggest weekly number of listeners (circa 554,000 listeners), followed by Radio Petica from Niš (circa 61,000), Radio 021 from Novi Sad (circa 58,000), Radio Užice (circa 48,000), Radio Pirot (circa 45,000), Radio Kraljevo 1 (circa 44,000), Radio City from Niš (circa 44,000), Radio Sombor (circa 42,000) etc. At the bottom of the list are the radio stations from municipalities with small number of inhabitants, that is, the stations with relatively small technical reach.

The pivotal role of television in supporting democracy in Europe is under threat. Public service broadcasters are compromising quality to compete with commercial channels, and many of them depend on Governments or political parties. Meanwhile, ever-larger concentrations are developing in the commercial sector, often with clear political affiliations. These developments jeopardize broadcasting pluralism and diversity, with the new democracies of Central and Eastern Europe most at risk.

These are the main findings of the monitoring report Television across Europe : regulation, policy and independence , released on 11 October 2005 in Brussels . The report covers 20 European countries - EU members, candidates and potential candidates - from the UK to Turkey , and from Romania to France . At 1662 pages, it is the largest ever comparative survey of its kind. The report analyses broadcasting across the continent and addresses policy recommendations to national and international authorities and groups.

The monitoring has been carried out in cooperation with the Media Program of the Open Society Institute and in collaboration with national expert reporters and partner organisations in each country.

Beginning in late 1980s, the independent media in Serbia had been suppressed, persecuted, harassed and attacked by the former Yugoslav government led by Slobodan Milosevic. Using different tactics, the ruling regime created an environment hostile to the free press.

In response, the Association of Independent Electronic Media, decided to develop a system for exchanging of news between TV stations. During the ruling of Slobodan Milosevic ANEM was the fortress of Serbian independent journalism.

The first decision of the ANEM's management was to establish the Technical Committee – an expert's body, aimed to do research and application of novel low-budget technologies to ANEM's stations. Several months before the Yugoslav federal elections on September 24, 2000 , ANEM Technical Committee proposed a project offered a suitable solution for the exchange of news.

To estimate the importance of such a project, two aspects have to be considered. The aspect related to the political constraints lies in the fact that the violent reactions of the regime against the media and citizens in the eve of democratic changes were real threat. Complete banning of free media and banning of public rallies were expected. Such action of the regime would have caused dramatic events, including clashes of police with citizens resulting in a number of injured or even dead. Dark forebodings related to the total suspension of the freedom of thought, expression and the press encouraged the ANEM's management to prepare its stations for forthcoming events. The Technical Committee seriously faced the following assignment: establishing of a system for production and the exchange of urgent news, with high redundancy and capability to survive in a hostile political environment, using low-budget technical solutions.

The second important aspect was technical constraint. Usual method for the exchange of video material between stations is by using the network of expensive microwave transmitters, but a lack of funds in the independent media as well as the state-controlled licensing of transmitting equipment excluded this solution. Other technical possibilities had to be considered, and there was nothing left for the Technical Committee to do but to propose using public communication services. Unfortunately, these services were ruined during the long period of sanctions and NATO bombing, and nothing but public telephony system was available. Very demanding user's requirements became more complex: a need for the reliable exchange of high-quality video (i.e. large video files) through devastated and state-controlled public telephony system, as fast as possible.

All the technologies applied in this project existed in infant forms and the application of MPEG-4 compression standard in this project became one of the earliest attempts in using it in professional media environment.

Thanks to this system, the citizens of the biggest cities in Serbia had opportunity to see the events influenced on the fall of Milosevic's regime and to participate in "Serbian smooth revolution" that took place on October 5, 2000 .

After democratic changes in Serbia , the system was re-designed and today it is the biggest network of news branch offices in South-Eastern Europe involving independent media and free lancers from five countries.

Paper related to above mentioned project is published in Informing Science Journal (http://inform.nu/Articles/Vol8/v8p245-262Spasic.pdf).

– OCTOBER 2005 –

Realization: Strategic Marketing & Media Research Institute

INTRODUCTION

Survey on listening of radio programs on the territory of Serbia without Kosovo, carried out in the period of October 24-30, 2005, is the tenth in a row survey of radio audience ordered by IREX and realized by the Strategic Marketing SMMRI (the first survey was conducted in May 1998). The aim of all these surveys was to measure the auditorium of the most important radio stations in the country, to measure the auditorium of radio stations members and affiliate members of ANEM, as well as to ascertain the most important attitudes concerning listening of radio programs and programs in general.
This report presents the most important results of the survey, and all data were obtained on the basis of Diary which was kept by a total of 5773 respondents from the territory of Serbia without Kosovo (population between 10 and 70 years of age). The respondents kept the Diary for 7 days. Evidence about listening of programs was kept at 15-minute intervals. Besides the Diary the respondents also answered an additional questionnaire with general type questions related to listening of radio program.

The correction of sample (post stratification) was done according to gender, age, religion, type of settlement, education and nationality in the regions with mixed population.
Belgrade, January 2006.

THE MOST IMPORTANT SURVEY RESULTS

• Radio stations – ANEM members were listened for 78 minutes a day on average (a year ago – 71 minute, two years ago – 73 minutes, three years ago – 72 minutes).
• Radio program was listened for at least 15 minutes in the period of one week by 90.84% of the monitored population aged between 10 and 70. The radio was listened to 165 minutes a day on the average. The previous survey results showed that the radio was listened to for 182 minutes a day in October 2004, 189 minutes in October 2003, 195 minutes in November 2002, and 178 minutes in October 2001.
• Share of ANEM radio stations in the total radio audience is 8.31% (last year, the ANEM share was 8.44%, two years ago – 8.39%, three years ago – 7.97%).
• Total radio audience of ANEM stations was 16.02% of the surveyed population or 968,475 listeners for the period of one week (last year – 20.43%, two years ago – 19.40%, three years ago – 19.76%).
• For the third time since the measurements of radio audience was carried out for IREX, ANEM occupies the first position on the level of the entire country, both from the aspect of total weekly audience, and the share in radio audience. Namely, First program of Radio Belgrade had a lesser weekly audience than ANEM radio stations by circa 157,000 listeners (according to previous survey results, ANEM exceeded Radio Belgrade by 132,000 listeners, two years ago 132,000 listeners in favor of ANEM, whereas three years ago, Radio Belgrade had 145,000 more listeners than ANEM). The program of this national radio station was listened to for a shorter period (averagely 56 minutes a day). Beside that, share of ANEM radio stations in total radio audience exceeded the share of the First program of Radio Belgrade – 8.31% against 5.04% (a year ago this percentage was 8.44% against 6.26% in favor of ANEM, two years ago, in October 2003, 8.39% against 6.6%, while three years ago the share of Belgrade 1 was 7.6%, against ANEM's share 7.97%.
• These results should be added by a fact that total weekly audience of affiliate members of ANEM is circa 155,000 listeners, with share of 1.21% in total radio audience.
• Among radio stations – ANEM members, the biggest individual share in ANEM audience is the share of Radio B92 (44.56% of total audience of ANEM), which is followed by Radio Subotica (Hungarian and Serbian programs together) – 12,68, Radio 021 from Novi Sad (together with Beat Box) – 10.36%, Radio Sombor 1 and 2 – 4.96%, Radio City from Nis – 4.16%, Radio Patak from Valjevo – 4.06%, Radio Kraljevo 1 and 2 – 3.49% etc.
• Among radio stations – ANEM members, Radio B92 had the biggest weekly number of listeners (circa 549,000 listeners), followed by Radio 021 from Novi Sad (circa 80,000 listeners), Radio Subotica Hungarian program (circa 53,000 listeners), Radio Petica from Nis (circa 47,000), Radio City from Nis (around 42,000), Radio Kraljevo 1 (circa 42,000 and so on. At the bottom of the list are the radio stations from municipalities with small number of inhabitants, that is, the stations with relatively small technical reach.

NB: The research was not carried out in some stratums, therefore did not include the following ANEM radio stations from those cities:

• Radio Bajina Basta
• Radio Devic, Smederevska Palanka
• Radio Negotin
• Radio Pozega
• Radio Sokobanja
• Radio Trstenik
• Radio Impuls, Vrsac
• Radio M+, Mladenovac

November-December 2004

REALISATION: SMMRI

Strategic Marketing & Media Research Institute, Belgrade

THE MOST IMPORTANT SURVEY RESULTS

• This survey on TV audience, whose main results are presented in this report, is the ninth in a row since 1998. The research is organized by IREX, and realized by Strategic Marketing & Media Research Institute, Belgrade . This is one of the largest surveys on TV audience realized in our country.
• Purpose of all of the survey was to measure the audience of the most significant TV stations, as well as the audience of TV stations members and affiliates of ANEM.
• The survey was conducted in the period of November 29 – December 5, 2004 .
• Data were obtained in the same manner as in the previous surveys, through combination of two TV measurement methods: on the basis of Diary, kept by the respondents from the territory of Serbia without Kosovo (all members of the selected households were aged 4+, a total of 4473 respondents) and on the basis of electronic TV audience measurement realized through peoplemeters and field research (average daily sample size: 2610 respondents, audience evidenced by minutes, provider of data AGB Strategic Research).
• Average daily sample size: 8281 respondents.
• The survey showed that TV stations ANEM members have the constant trend of increase: in June 1998 – 5.6%, in October-November 2003 the rate was 51.0%, while in November-December 2004, the rate was 66.1%.
• As for the stations ANEM members and affiliates, the results are the following: June 1998 – 5,6; October-November 2003 – 55,4% and November-December 2004 – 69,7%
• Among TV stations – ANEM members, the biggest number of viewers had the following stations: RTV Kraljevo, TV 5 Užice and RTV Kragujevac.
• Among TV stations – ANEM affiliate members, the following were watched the most: Jedinstvo Novi Pazar, RTK Kruševac and RTV Zaječar.

Realization: Strategic Marketing & Media Research Institute

INTRODUCTION

Survey on listening of radio programs on the territory of Serbia without Kosovo, carried out in the period of October 11-17, 2004 , is the ninth in a row survey of radio audience realized by the Strategic Marketing SMMRI (the first survey was realized in May 1998). The aim of all these surveys was to measure the auditorium of the most important radio stations in the country, to measure the auditorium of radio stations members and affiliate members of ANEM, as well as to ascertain the most important attitudes concerning listening of radio programs and programs in general.

This report presents the most important results of the survey, and all data were obtained on the basis of Diary which was kept by a total of 6826 respondents from the territory of Serbia without Kosovo (population between 10 and 70 years of age). The respondents kept the Diary for 7 days (from October 11-17, 2004 ). Evidence about listening of programs was kept at 15-minute intervals. Besides the Diary the respondents also answered an additional questionnaire with general type questions related to listening of radio program.

Belgrade, December 2004.

THE MOST IMPORTANT SURVEY RESULTS

• Radio stations – ANEM members were listened for 71 minutes a day on average (a year ago – 73 minutes, two years ago – 72 minutes).
• Radio program was listened for at least 15 minutes in the period of one week by 93.95% of the monitored population aged between 10 and 70. The radio was listened to 182 minutes a day on the average. The previous survey results showed that the radio was listened to for 189 minutes a day in October 2003, 195 minutes in November 2002, and 178 minutes in October 2001.
• Share of ANEM radio stations in the total radio audience is 8.44% (last year, the ANEM share was 8.39%, two years ago – 7.97%).
• Total radio audience of ANEM stations was 20.43% of the surveyed population or 1,234,897 listeners for the period of one week (last year – 19.40%, two years ago – 19.76%).
• For the second time since the beginning of measurements of radio audience, ANEM occupies the first position on the level of the entire country, both from the aspect of total weekly audience, and the share in radio audience. Namely, First program of Radio Belgrade had a lesser weekly audience than ANEM radio stations by circa 132,000 listeners (according to previous survey results, ANEM exceeded Radio Belgrade by 92,000 listeners, whereas two years ago, Radio Belgrade had 145,000 more listeners than ANEM network). The program of this national radio station was listened to for a shorter period (averagely 59 minutes a day). Beside that, share of ANEM radio stations in total radio audience exceeded the share of the First program of Radio Belgrade – 8.44% against 6.26% (a year ago this percentage was 8.39% against 6.6% in favor of ANEM. Two years ago, in October 2002, share of Belgrade 1 was 7.6%, while ANEM's share was 7.79%.
• These results should be added by a fact that total weekly audience of affiliate members of ANEM is circa 225,000 listeners, with share of 1.5% in total radio audience.
• Among radio stations – ANEM members, the biggest individual share in ANEM audience is the share of Radio B92 (42.82% of total audience of ANEM network), which is followed by Radio 021 from Novi Sad (together with Multiradio) – 11.67%, then Radio Subotica (programs in Hungarian and Serbian combined) – 10.33%, Radio Petica from Nis – 4.33%, Radio Sombor 1 and 2 – 3.29%, Radio Kraljevo 1 and 2 – 3.22%, Radio Kragujevac 1 and 2 – 3.16% and so on.
• Among radio stations – ANEM members, Radio B92 had the biggest weekly number of listeners (circa 618,000 listeners), followed by Radio 021 from Novi Sad (circa 74,000 listeners), Radio Petica from Nis (circa 71,000), Radio Kraljevo 1 (circa 52,000), Radio Subotica Hungarian program (46,000), Radio Sombor 1 (42,000 listeners) and so on. At the bottom of the list are the radio stations from municipalities with small number of inhabitants, that is, the stations with relatively small technical reach.

REALIZATION: SMMRI
Strategic Marketing & media research institute, Belgrade

INTRODUCTION

• Survey, the results of which are presented in this report, is the eight in row since 1998. Purpose of all of these surveys was to measure the audience of the most significant TV stations in the country, individual audience of ANEM members, as well as the audience of the most significant TV stations that rebroadcast some of ANEM programs.
  
• Data were obtained in the same way as in the previous survey, through combination of two TV audience measurement methods. A part of data were obtained on the basis of Diary, which was kept by a total of 5580 respondents from the territory of Serbia without Kosovo (all members of the selected households were aged 4+ years, evidence about watching of TV stations was kept at 15-minute intervals). The other part of data was based on electronic TV audience measurement realized through peoplemeters (average daily sample size: 2701 respondents, audience evidenced by minutes, provider of data AGB Strategic Research). Data refer to the period from Monday, October 27th, 2003 till Sunday 2nd November 2003. Average daily sample size: 8281 respondents.

Belgrade, December 2003.

THE MOST IMPORTANT SURVEY RESULTS

• Among individual TV stations, from October 27th till November 2nd 2003, the following TV stations achieved the highest audience: TV Pink with share of 23,94% in total TV audience (average daily audience 52,3% -3.700.471 viewers and total weekly audience 77.1% - 5.459.600 viewers), RTS 1 with share of 21,68% in total TV audience (average daily audience 54,27% - 3.841.274 viewers and total weekly audience 80,6% - 5.706.402 viewers), BK television with share of 10,38% in total TV audience (average daily audience 39,0% - 2.759.133 viewers and total weekly audience 65,4% - 4.628.255 viewers), RTS 2 with share of 9,26% in total TV audience (average daily audience 37,3% - 2.641.189 viewers and total weekly audience 67,6% - 4.781.353 viewers) and RTS 3 with share of 5,27% in total TV audience (average daily audience 33,0% - 2.336.360 viewers and total weekly audience 65,9% - 4.667.581 viewers).
  
• TV stations – ANEM members, as well as the most important rebroadcasters of ANEM, were watched for at least 1 minute during the week by 55.4% of the total observed population (3.923.890 viewers), with share of 5,6% in total TV audience (average daily audience 28,2% - 1.996.023 viewers). Observed from the aspect of the total weekly number of viewers, this is a significant increase compared to previous survey, when the average daily audience was circa 1.424.071 viewers.
  
• Total weekly audience of only TV stations – ANEM members was 51,0% of the entire observed population (3.610.865 viewers), with the share of 4,8% in total TV audience (average daily audience 25.6% - 1.810.869 viewers). This is the highest overall weekly audience of TV stations – ANEM members ever registered. In December 2002 it was 37,4%, in May 2002 it was 24,1%, in November 2001 it was 23,2%, in May 2001 it was 21,6%, in November 2000 it was 18,6%, and in May 2000 it was 12,3%.
  
• Observed according to share in total TV audience, the share of ANEM members increased from 3.2% to 4.8% with respect to the previous survey. This increase can primarily be attributed to increase of viewing of TV B-92 from 2.34% to 3.92%. In addition to that, slight summary increase of viewing of other members was recorded as well.Observed regionally, the biggest number of ANEM TV station viewers was registered on the territory of Central Serbia (circa 51,5% of total ANEM audience), then on the territory of Belgrade city (circa 22%) and finally, on the territory of Vojvodina (circa 26%). The highest share in total TV audience, ANEM members achieved on the territory of Belgrade City (5,75%), which is followed by territory of Central Serbia - 5,13% and finally on the territory of Vojvodina - 3,62% (total for the entire country 4,8%). With respect to the previous survey the biggest increase of the number of viewers was recorded in Central Serbia.
  
• Among TV stations – ANEM members, overall biggest number of viewers for a week was achieved by TV B-92 (circa 3.183.000 viewers), which is followed by TV Kraljevo (circa 208.500), TV Kragujevac (circa 160.000), city TV in Niš (circa 150.000), TV Cacak (circa 139.000), TV Trstenik (circa 75.000)... At the bottom of the list are the TV stations from municipalities with small number of inhabitants, that is, TV stations whose technical reach is relatively small (Bajina Bašta, Sokobanja, Prokuplje, Kuršumlija...).

Report by Eve- Ann Prentice in Belgrade.

A human hip bone was found on the roof of a jazz club behind Serbia's RTS state television headquarters on the morning after a Nato bomb tore into the building in central Belgrade. Sixteen people perished - mostly young doormen, technicians and make-up girls.

It was April 1999, and the West's bombing campaign against Yugoslavia was at its height, Slobodan Milosevic was still firmly in power and most people regarded it as the blackest moment in a dark era for the journalists of Serbia, caught between the rigid control of the state and the alienation of the West.

There were deep suspicions in Belgrade that the Milosevic regime was content to see the building bombed, to score propaganda points. Some suggested that the regime's intelligence services sometimes discovered in advance which buildings were on Nato's hit list and pointed out that none of RTS's senior editors or managers was in the studios at the time.

Today, the former head of RTS, Dragoljub Milanovic, is serving ten years in jail for 'causing grave danger to public security' by failing to evacuate the building when the Nato conflict erupted; Slobodan Milosevic is standing trial in The Hague on war crimes charges; the erstwhile opposition is in power in Serbia; and most people in the West probably think that all is set fair for the media in Europe's newest democracy.

Sadly, this is not the case. What is left of Yugoslavia after a decade of civil wars is made up of Serbia and Montenegro, and the media in both epublics faces deep problems.

In Serbia, German companies have bought shares in important outlets including the old pillars of communism, the state newspaper Politika and the popular tabloid, Blic.

Now thousands of journalists and other media workers on newspapers and radio and television stations know they will have to lose their jobs as part of inevitable and much-needed slimming down of these and other media institutions.

There are also widespread grumblings that the new governing Democratic Opposition of Serbia is interfering too much in the media, with some comparing the Serbian Prime Minister, Zoran Dzindzic, with Tony Blair because of his perceived penchant for complaining when coverage of him or his policies is less than glowing.

The air of unease is not helped when media barons of the Milosevic regime, such as Zeljko Mitrovic and Bogoljub Karic are still in place, albeit embracing the new regime with vigour.

Mitrovic founded TV Pink, a station beloved by Milosevic's wife, Mira Markovic, while Karic - once a close adviser to Milosevic - is the man behind BKTV.

Milosevic had used two main tactics to control information: fines and threats against those who failed to toe the party line, while at the same time trying to create a young generation that was apolitical and did not ask questions.

'Hundreds of television stations dedicated to pop music and fun gave the message "forget politics - enjoy life",' says Stevan Niksic, editor-in-chief of the independent Nin magazine in Belgrade who was himself arrested by the Milosevic regime.

'This gave the impression of multiplicity, of choice, when in reality all the technical facilities to broadcast belonged to the state.'

Today, TV Pink is still there, broadcasting a diet of glamour, rock music and occasional Western series such as 'Only Fools and Horses'. Mitrovic is often seen enjoying the hospitality at Western embassy receptions.

In Montenegro, the situation is more volatile. Television and radio journalists are furious at changes to the broadcasting laws which they see as paving the way for government interference, especially as Montenegro has its own elections in October and November.

Amendments to the existing media law will shorten the pre-election media blackout, increase the ability of the management at state television to dismiss editors and limit the space the media may give to coverage of the activities of high state officials.

Laws on broadcasting and the transformation of state radio and television into a public broadcaster, which were prepared in collaboration with international experts, had still not been put into effect in August.

The Council of Europe and the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe held a series of exasperated meetings with the politicians and the media during the summer, in an attempt to resolve the crisis.

The International Federation of Journalists said it was 'concerned about attempts by Montenegrin politicians to manipulate media through a series of changes to law that may threaten editorial independence'.

Aiden White, the IFJ's general secretary says: 'Politicians must not play political games with media. Elections are the crucial test of democracy and journalists must be able to work without interference. The public has the right to be informed without censorship or political tinkering with their news media.

' It's time for political leaders to suppress their desire to massage the media message. We need a clear signal that Montenegro is committed to media policies that guarantee the citizen's right to know, that support ethical and independent journalism and that are in line with European standards.'

White is more optimistic about Belgrade, where a new law aimed at bringing the broadcast media into line with international standards was passed by parliament in July: 'It's better to have something on the statute books than nothing at all,' he says.

However, he adds a word of caution about Prime Minister Dzindzic's growing reputation for interfering in the media: 'Within recent memory, Serbian journalists have had to live in an all-pervasive atmosphere of fear and intimidation. Dzindzic is unfortunately stepping onto the old-style path of control. This needs a response from the international community.'

There is also unease about the looming lay-offs. 'The fact that German companies have bought into the media suggests normalisation - unfortunately though, it's a pretty ruthless market out there,' says White.

When 50 per cent of Politika was sold to the German company, Westdeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung, earlier this year, the first public reaction was a 'slight taste of bitterness', says Serbian journalist Alesandra Jelesijevic-Raskovic.

'Politika, as the oldest Serbian daily, is a kind of a national symbol and the German occupiers during World War II banned it. Some members of the Ribnikar family (the newspaper's founders) were arrested by the Germans.'

But surely life is better now than under Milosevic? Jelesijevic-Raskovic thinks that not enough has changed: 'If you are asking me are there any changes in the media since Milosevic's departure, my answer would be: I don't see any.

'During the last ten-12 years there was a lot of pressure, a lot of threats, sometimes lives were at stake. There is still pressure, there are still threats, editors and journalist are sued for provoking "mental suffering", there is still no free access to information.

'It is a little better than it used to be, but not much. There is a funny relationship between politicians and journalists: they fought to remove Milosevic from the throne and to bring themselves on it; we fought to remove Milosevic from the throne - full stop.'

Giovanni Porta, head of the media department at the OSCE in Belgrade, says: 'Under the old regime it was a crazy system, a crazy situation. Now there will have to be a lot of lay-offs and a lot of tough decisions. The main problem is changing people's mentality.'

The state broadcasting company, RTS, employs 7,600 people and many will have to go. Streamlining RTS 'in all probability implies major lay-offs,' says an OSCE statement.

'The average age of employees is 49 years, most of whom are not qualified for the jobs they now hold.' The organisation adds: 'The state of repair of transmission facilities, still analogue, is very poor and under the very best case scenario it needs to be completely overhauled into a digital system, in all likelihood involving foreign investment or a joint venture.'

Federal information minister, Slobodan Orlic, admits the problems are enormous. 'The transformation of our media will be very painful,' he says. 'We have 641 print media, 253 TV stations and 504 radio stations; the simplest way to describe it is as chaos.'

In the calm before the inevitable redundancy storm, life goes on in Belgrade; the jazz club behind the bombed RTS headquarters comes alive after midnight with late- night revellers.

Most of the club-goers pass within a few feet of a stone memorial to the memory of the 16 who died. It is etched with the single word 'Zasto?'
'Why?'

Eve-Ann Prentice is a freelance journalist.

 http://www.indexonline.org/news/20020820_serbia.shtml

Introduction

In March 2002, ARTICLE 19 received for comment an official translation of the draft Montenegro Media Law, produced by a working group established under the aegis of the Secretariat of Information. This draft law, which will replace the existing 1998 Law on Public Information as well as a number of other laws, represents an updated version of the draft Public Information Law published in October 2001. We commented extensively on that draft (1), and we are pleased to note that many of our comments and suggestions have been incorporated in the draft Media Law now released for comment. However, several of our concerns remain.

The present Memorandum updates our previously expressed concerns in light of the new draft. As an update, it does not discuss in detail the protection of freedom of expression in Montenegro through international and constitutional law. Instead, it first outlines the special position of the press in relation to freedom of expression and the protection
provided through the interpretative provision of the draft Media Law. The Memorandum goes on to provide a detailed analysis of some of the provisions of the new draft law which ARTICLE 19 has concerns about, along with recommendations for further improvement.

The Media and Freedom of Expression

Article 1 of the draft law states that the clauses in the law "shall be interpreted in compliance with the principles contained in the European Convention for the Protection of Fundamental Rights and Freedoms and shall be governed by the precedence law practice of the European Court for Human Rights." Not only is this an important statement of intent; it effectively incorporates the ECHR and the Court's case law into the draft Media Law.

It is well-known that the European Court of Human Rights has frequently underlined the special role of the press in a democratic society:

Freedom of the press affords the public one of the best means of discovering and forming an opinion of the ideas and attitudes of their political leaders. In particular, it gives politicians the opportunity to reflect and comment on the preoccupations of public opinion; it thus enables everyone to participate in the free political debate which is at the very core of the concept of a democratic society. (2)

And further:

[I]ts duty is . to impart - in a manner consistent with its obligations and responsibilities - information and ideas on all matters of public interest. Not only does it have the task of imparting such information and ideas: the public also has a right to receive them. Were it
otherwise, the press would be unable to play its vital role of "public watchdog". (3)

The European Court's jurisprudence makes it clear that a genuine commitment to freedom of expression requires a high degree of tolerance in relation to all kinds of publications and broadcasts. In particular, the media must be free to discuss political developments and to criticise the government and other public figures without fear of
reprisal. These considerations are of overriding importance with regard to the draft Media Law. Should any doubt arise as to the meaning of its provisions, this should be resolved in favour of the right to freedom of expression.

Specific comments

Coverage of the draft Media Law

Article 6 of the draft Media Law defines media as including 'electronic publication', which is mentioned as being distinct from 'radio and television'. Whilst the precise meaning of this is unclear, we are concerned that this might be read to include the Internet. If so, this would be highly problematic. The Internet as a communication and publishing medium is radically different from the print or broadcast media. Whereas in broadcasting or print media, restrictions can be placed with regard to time and manner of transmission, or the place of publication, this is not possible with regard to the Internet. The special factors that are internationally recognised as justifying regulation of the broadcast media - such as the history of extensive government regulation of broadcasting, the scarcity of available frequencies, and its 'invasive' nature - do not apply to the Internet. (4) Moreover, there are important jurisdictional problems with Internet regulation and sites can easily move to jurisdictions which do not have such repressive rules. It would be nearly impossible for Montenegro to enforce its law on such web sites, even if they carry content that is aimed at Montenegro.

Recommendation:

Article 6 of the draft Media Law should be redrafted in such a way as to make it clear that its scope does not extend to the Internet.

Content restrictions

This is an area where the draft Media Law is significantly improved in comparison with the previous version. However, several unjustifiable restrictions on the content of what may be published through the media remain and some new provisions have been added.

Duplicative or repetitive provisions

A number of provisions in the draft law contain content restrictions which, if they are to be imposed, should be found in laws of general application since they apply to everyone, not just the media.

Examples of this are as follows:

Article 5 prohibits the dissemination of all information obtained in an illegal manner, unless publication is in the interest of national security, protection of territorial integrity and safety, prevention of disorder or crime and the protection of health.

Article 12 gives the State Attorney the power to apply to a court to request a ban on the distribution of media programming that "invites the forceful destruction of the constitutional system and violation of the territorial integrity of the Republic; infringes on the guaranteed human and citizen's freedoms and rights; or instigates national, racial or religious intolerance or hatred."

Article 21 establishes a right to bring defamation actions against media outlets which have insulted an individual's honour, integrity or dignity or which have made untrue statements about someone.

Article 24 prohibits the publication of "information and opinions that instigate discrimination, hatred or violence against person or group of persons based on their belonging or not belonging to a certain race, religion, nation, ethnic group, sex or sexual orientation". There is a defence, which was not found in the previous version of the law,
applicable if the information is judged to be of the public interest and was published "without intention to instigate discrimination, hatred or violence".

Many of these provisions contain generally accepted restrictions on freedom of expression. ARTICLE 19 has specific problems with some of these provisions, set out below. However, our main concern is that these prohibitions, to the extent that they are legitimate, should be applicable to everyone, not just the media. As a result, they are normally found in laws of general application. Where this is the case, repetition in a media specific law places the media under a double obligation and gives the impression that the media is being singled out for harsh treatment. This tends to have a chilling effect on freedom of expression, and serves no legitimate interest.

Recommendation:

Articles 5, 12, 21 and 24 should be removed from the draft Media Law. To the extent that they contain legitimate restrictions on freedom of expression, they may be transferred to laws of general application.

Banning of media: Articles 12 - 18
Article 12 of the draft law provides for the State Attorney to apply to a court to request a ban on the distribution of media programming which pursues certain negative goals, as noted above. Whilst this has been worded somewhat more precise than the corresponding provisions in the October 2001 draft, we remain concerned, in addition to their inclusion in a media-specific law, that these are extremely vague grounds which are easily abused on political grounds.

Articles 13 - 18 prescribe the procedure to be followed in court proceedings for such a ban. As in the previous draft, the draft law continues to envisage proceedings in the absence of the defendant as well as extremely short time limits for each stage of the proceedings. This constitutes a violation of the fair trial principles enshrined under Article 6 ECHR. (5) The law should provide defendants with the fullest possible opportunity to defend themselves, particularly in view of the extreme nature of the sanctions available.

Moreover, we view with the utmost suspicion the fact that the only sanction available is a total ban of the publication concerned. This is an extreme sanction and ARTICLE 19 is of the view that it should never be applied to the print media. Regardless of this, it is certainly unjustifiable to apply it except in the very most serious cases, after other sanctions have proved unable to rectify the wrong.

Recommendations:
Articles 12-18 should be removed from the draft Media Law. If they are to be retained, the following protections should be added: a. There should be a graduated sanctions system; and b. Proceedings should be conducted in accordance with the fair trial principles enshrined under Article 6 ECHR.

Illegally obtained material

Article 5 prohibits the dissemination of all information obtained in an illegal manner, with certain exceptions, as noted above. Whilst this is an improvement on the previous draft, which contained an absolute prohibition, we still believe that this prohibition is unnecessarily restrictive of the right to freedom of expression. In addition to the grounds mentioned provided for in the draft law, it may be in the public interest to disclose information, for example where it exposes government corruption, environmental degradation or fraud, even if that information was obtained illegally. This has been recognised by the European Court of Human Rights. For example, in the case of Goodwin v. the United Kingdom, the Court responded to the Government's claim that material obtained in breach of confidence should be afforded lesser protection by holding: "these are undoubtedly relevant reasons. However the considerations to be taken into account under paragraph 2 of Article 10 . tip the balance of competing interests in favour of the interest of democratic society in securing a free press". (6)

Recommendation:

The prohibition on dissemination of illegally obtained information should be subject to a general public interest override.

Attacks on privacy, honour and dignity

Article 21 states that an individual whose honour, integrity or dignity has been insulted, or about whom untrue statements have been made, shall have a right to press charges against the author of the information. This is an excessively broad definition of defamation. ARTICLE 19 is of the view that only false statements should be subject to defamation restrictions. Furthermore, a number of defences should be available in the context of an allegation of defamation. Article 21 does not appear to provide a defence of any kind. This will seriously inhibit discussion on matters of public interest and constitutes an illegitimate restriction on the right to freedom of expression.

Article 23 prohibits the media from publishing the identity of a minor involved in a criminal act. As we stated in our October 2001 Memorandum, while this is certainly a professional obligation it should be subject to a public interest override. We also pointed out that
there is a significant difference between forbidding public officials from divulging the names of children involved in crime, a prohibition found in the laws of many countries, and forbidding the media from reporting the same thing.

Recommendations:

The prohibition on the publication of the names of children involved in crime should be subject to a general public interest override.

Article 21 should be removed from the draft Media Law. Any defamation provisions should be found in the civil Code.

Positive obligations

While a number of the positive obligations included in the previous draft have now been deleted, two remain. Article 23 states that "media are obliged to protect the integrity of minors" while Article 27 puts he media under an obligation to carry such factual reports as the competent republican authority shall require. As we noted in our october Memorandum, such obligations are a misconception of the way in which a free media satisfies the public's right to know, and are counter-productive. To ensure in practice the public's right to be informed, it is necessary to create an environment in which an
independent and pluralistic media can flourish, not to impose specific positive obligations on the media. A diverse and creative media will compete for public attention and thus ensure that sufficient attention is given to different information needs. Moreover, the obligation in Article 27 is clearly open to abuse for political reasons.

Recommendation:

The positive obligations in Articles 23 and 27 should be removed from the draft law.

Other concerns

Right to reply: Articles 28 - 38

Under Article 28, individuals whose legal rights have been breached by any publication are entitled to reply or make corrections in the same publication. Articles 29 - 38 provide the detailed conditions and procedure under which this 'right to reply' is to be carried out.

We welcome the fact that Article 28 now makes it clear that only individuals whose legal rights have been breached are entitled to a right to reply. However, we are concerned that under Article 32 the media are required to publish the reply without modification and they are not allowed at the same time to make any comment. While the right to reply can provide an accessible means for individuals to respond to breaches of their rights, it must not at the same time unduly restrict the rights of the media. In considering a case on the right to reply under Spanish law, the European Commission on Human Rights considered
it important that the publication had the opportunity to comment in the same edition. (7)

Recommendation:

The prohibition on commenting on the reply in the same edition or programme should be removed from the draft law.

Freedom of information

Under Article 8, legislative, executive and judicial authorities and all other public authorities are required to make accessible information to media professionals. As we noted in our October 2001 Memorandum, whilst there is nothing intrinsically wrong with such a provision, it should not serve as an excuse not to introduce a full freedom of information law. The Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe recently adopted a Recommendation on Access to Official Documents (8), and last year ARTICLE 19 published a 'Model Freedom of Information Law'. (9) We encourage the Montenegrin authorities to start work on a draft freedom of information law in accordance with the standards set out in these documents as soon as possible.