Hungary: The Foreign Agents Law Delayed, but Orban's Government Does Not Back Down

Hungary has long been seen as a model of captured media freedoms within the European Union. There, the government uses the state to turn the media into its propaganda tool, politically controls media regulators, and abuses state advertising in favor of "its" media, including private media outlets that closely align with the interests of the authorities, according to assessments by the International Press Institute (IPI) and the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ).

Very similar to the situation in Serbia, but within the framework of the European Union. Just like in our country or in the Republic of Srpska, Fidesz in Hungary attempted to introduce a law on "foreign agents," titled "Transparency of Public Life." It was proposed for adoption in the Hungarian Parliament but was postponed. This decision was made by the authorities the day after the assembly of the European Federation of Journalists (EFJ) in Budapest and meetings between OSCE media freedom representative Jan Bratu with Hungarian officials.

The controversial law envisions the creation of a blacklist of "organizations whose work threatens national sovereignty." The proposal from the ruling political party Fidesz, led by Prime Minister Viktor Orban, is described by the EFJ as inspired by the law on so-called "foreign agents" that has been in force in Russia since 2012.

Laslo M. Lengiel, the Executive President of the Hungarian Journalists' Union (HPU), reminds that the adoption of the law was postponed following protests.

"There was also international pressure on the government and the ruling party from various organizations, including the European Commission, the Council of Europe, and the European Parliament," Lengiel told Cenzolovka.

EFJ General Secretary Ricardo Gutierrez believes that independent media in Hungary remain under serious threat, as the draft law is still on the table and open to amendments that could be even more aggressive toward critics of the government.

He called on Viktor Orban's ruling party to permanently withdraw the law and the European Commission to exert pressure on the government to counter this new attack on media freedom.

The President of the Hungarian Journalists' Union reminds that Géza Jeszenszky, a former Hungarian Foreign Minister and Ambassador to Washington and Oslo, was recently attacked in front of his home in Budapest.

"The Foreign Minister of the first democratically elected government was attacked in the street and hit multiple times on the head with a hammer. I won't say it was an organized attack by the government or the ruling party, but it shows what the situation is like. When people are fanatical, they can do anything. This is the situation for journalists: verbal and physical attacks, online harassment, threats. The same situation applies to all politically active but opposition-minded individuals. Journalists are just a part of that picture," Lengiel responds.

At the EFJ General Assembly in Budapest, journalists from across Europe and local hosts from Hungary heard about the situation faced by professional media and journalists in Serbia in early June.

"I know the situation in Serbia much better than the average European citizen. The media has always been a means and instrument, even a battleground for political struggle. As far as I understand, those in power in Serbia are more direct, ruthless, and committed in that struggle, as they currently have weaker positions in society than the Hungarian government and ruling party," says Lengiel and adds:

"The Serbian people are braver than the Hungarian. The Serbian ruling forces have not yet succeeded in building a system of power like their Hungarian counterparts. That is why the Serbian government wants to catch up with its counterparts in Hungary, using their recipes and examples. But it all depends on the Serbian people. If you allow them to follow the Hungarian model, you will lose, and then it will take decades to return to a normal, democratic path."

Numerous international organizations continue to demand the complete withdrawal of the controversial law from Hungary.

What could happen if the law is adopted? Here are Lengiel's thoughts:

"The government will never back down, as it cannot formally lose the battle. But sometimes a victory in communication is enough: 'we prevented foreign forces from interfering in our political life, we defended the sovereignty of our country.' The law could become milder, but it could also become stricter."

Has the Hungarian Journalists' Union sought help from the European Union?

"No, and never. At the same time, my philosophy is: no one from abroad can solve our problems. Our struggle is here, within the country. Of course, it's always pleasant and useful to know there are those who are in solidarity with us. But if we are weak, that is our problem. We must provide Brussels with information, we must inform them about what we are doing, but we cannot wait for Brussels to put steak in our mouths."

JOURNALISTS IN TROUBLE EVEN WITHOUT SUCH A LAW

On the other hand, in an atmosphere like that in Hungary, it is questionable whether media outlets critical of the government can survive financially. Lengiel believes that journalists are in serious trouble even without such a law.

"The media largely depends on the help and support of society. If people realize that they need free, independent, and reliable media sources, they will exist. Funding models will be found. There are no journalists in prison in Hungary. They are under pressure, but they can work. They are quite smart, they will reach the audience, but they are in a very bad and miserable position with or without this law," Lengiel assesses.

Source: Cenzolovka